Here is some more information on how open markets work in the US. Note the critical point is the producer/packer interface. In Canada the CWB inserts itself between the producer and the packer to prevent this vertical integration and packer ownership of production. The entire article can be read at
http://attra.ncat.org/attra-pub/PDF/hog.pdf
Rod Flaman
in the written testimony of the Organization for Competitive Markets (OCM) to the U.S. Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competitive Policy, and Consumer Rights, Micheal Stumo, OCM General Council, states:
The hog industry is approximately 87% vertical at the producer/packer interface. Vertical integration takes the form of packer owned hogs, and various types of contracted hogs. Ninety percent of the hog contracts pay the producer through a formula price based upon the open market price reported each day by the USDA’s Market News Service. All the pork packers have been aggressively going vertical and have stated as much.
In theory, the 13% of the non-vertical hogs set the price for the open market price reports. In practice, three to five percent of the hogs traded set the price. These are the hogs actually negotiated between packers and producers in the Iowa-Southern Minnesota market, the price setting market. The other non-vertical hogs either are committed to a packer through an oral formula arrangement, or are merely forced to take the “Posted Price” that the packer says it will pay based on the Iowa-Southern Minnesota market.…
Packers always have an incentive to push hog prices down to save money. But when 90% of the contract hogs are pegged to the open market, the marginal cost of bidding for open market hogs is tremendously magnified…. In today’s concentrated packer environment, we have dominant firms interacting in a very thin market. This scenario exponentially increases their ability to drive prices lower as compared to a situation where the dominant firm bought all their hogs from a high-volume open market. It is no surprise that the past 20 years have seen a steady downward trend in hog prices as packers consolidated horizontally and vertically even while the wholesale meat prices justify far more for live hogs (Stumo, 2003).
The Missouri Rural Crisis Center in Columbia, Missouri, has found that since 1994 more than 70% of Missouri hog farmers (7,400 out of 10,500) have left hog production. The Center adds that the Missouri hog farmer’s share of the pork retail dollar has gone from 46¢ in 1986 to 30¢ in 2003, while the consumer prices of pork have increased more than 40%.(Oates and Perry, 2003)
Hog Prices Received by Missouri Farmers
(average annual prices per hundredweight)
1985 - 1987 — $49.34
1988 - 1990 — $48.03
1991 - 1993 — $46.63
1994 - 1996 — $46.27
1997 - 1999 — $41.04
2000 - 2002 — $37.60
** If you adjust hog prices for inflation, independent pork producers are getting paid about 51% less in real dollars for their hogs than what they received in 1985.
Missouri Hog Prices (Oates and Perry, 2003)
http://attra.ncat.org/attra-pub/PDF/hog.pdf
Rod Flaman
in the written testimony of the Organization for Competitive Markets (OCM) to the U.S. Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competitive Policy, and Consumer Rights, Micheal Stumo, OCM General Council, states:
The hog industry is approximately 87% vertical at the producer/packer interface. Vertical integration takes the form of packer owned hogs, and various types of contracted hogs. Ninety percent of the hog contracts pay the producer through a formula price based upon the open market price reported each day by the USDA’s Market News Service. All the pork packers have been aggressively going vertical and have stated as much.
In theory, the 13% of the non-vertical hogs set the price for the open market price reports. In practice, three to five percent of the hogs traded set the price. These are the hogs actually negotiated between packers and producers in the Iowa-Southern Minnesota market, the price setting market. The other non-vertical hogs either are committed to a packer through an oral formula arrangement, or are merely forced to take the “Posted Price” that the packer says it will pay based on the Iowa-Southern Minnesota market.…
Packers always have an incentive to push hog prices down to save money. But when 90% of the contract hogs are pegged to the open market, the marginal cost of bidding for open market hogs is tremendously magnified…. In today’s concentrated packer environment, we have dominant firms interacting in a very thin market. This scenario exponentially increases their ability to drive prices lower as compared to a situation where the dominant firm bought all their hogs from a high-volume open market. It is no surprise that the past 20 years have seen a steady downward trend in hog prices as packers consolidated horizontally and vertically even while the wholesale meat prices justify far more for live hogs (Stumo, 2003).
The Missouri Rural Crisis Center in Columbia, Missouri, has found that since 1994 more than 70% of Missouri hog farmers (7,400 out of 10,500) have left hog production. The Center adds that the Missouri hog farmer’s share of the pork retail dollar has gone from 46¢ in 1986 to 30¢ in 2003, while the consumer prices of pork have increased more than 40%.(Oates and Perry, 2003)
Hog Prices Received by Missouri Farmers
(average annual prices per hundredweight)
1985 - 1987 — $49.34
1988 - 1990 — $48.03
1991 - 1993 — $46.63
1994 - 1996 — $46.27
1997 - 1999 — $41.04
2000 - 2002 — $37.60
** If you adjust hog prices for inflation, independent pork producers are getting paid about 51% less in real dollars for their hogs than what they received in 1985.
Missouri Hog Prices (Oates and Perry, 2003)
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