Citizens Centre for Freedom and Democracy
WEEKLY COMMENTARY
"Just Between Us"
December 5, 2005
How even a Conservative minority could change Canada
For those hoping for at least a minority Conservative government on January 23, this will not be a cheerful thought.
If it happens, it won't be able to do anything.
The only consolation is that even a majority Conservative government couldn't do much either. It would just last longer.
Even a majority couldn't reverse Canada's steady slide to the bottom of the OECD heap -- scale back personal entitlements, reduce regional transfers, free up the medical sector, cut taxes on business and investment, substitute military spending for EI in depressed regions, rein in the courts.
Such a government would be blocked at every turn -- filibustered in the Commons, vetoed by the ultra-Liberal Senate, overturned by the courts, sabotaged by the bureaucracy, and pilloried by the media and special interests.
Liberals have set up the system so that it can only be run by Liberals.
But there is one way Harper could turn it around, even with a minority.
After demonstrating for a few months he can't get Parliament to co-operate, Harper could go to the provincial governments with a constitutional proposal.
He could offer them constitutional amendments that permanently stop Ottawa from spending on social programs, and relinquish major tax-room for the provinces to run these things themselves, the way the constitution intended.
He could offer to vest the new all-province Council of the Federation with permanent authority to manage national social programs, including equalization, CPP and EI.
And he might suggest that authority over these programs be shared equally by "have" provinces and "have-nots."
Finally, he could propose a constitutional change to the Senate so that its members are elected by provincial parties, replacing all the present federal Liberal appointees with provincially-elected senators beyond the reach of any national party leader, now or ever.
He wouldn't even need to insist upon provincial equality in the Senate. The existing regional equality would suffice.
If seven provinces agreed on all this, in one stroke Harper would end forever Ottawa's unlimited power to bribe voters with bad national policy in provincial fields of jurisdiction.
Having lost its unlimited power to tax and spend, Ottawa could no longer engage in the divide-and-conquer tactics by which it has pitted province against province, and citizen against citizen, for the last forty years.
The question is whether enough provincial premiers would agree with this solution. I suspect most would, each for his own reasons.
With Ottawa's powers permanently constrained, Quebec could safely be recognized as a constitutionally "distinct society," a political victory Premier Jean Charest could use against the separatists.
Ontario is desperate to reduce the $23 billion Ottawa is siphoning into eastern provinces and Manitoba. Alberta, B.C. and Saskatchewan would feel the same.
And even some of the "have-nots" would support it, knowing Ottawa cannot hold out politically against a union of the four or five biggest provinces.
With seven provinces on side, Harper could put it to a national referendum before presenting it to Parliament. If most Canadians and most provinces supported it, the federal Liberals -- even in the Senate -- would not dare defeat it in Parliament.
If they did, they would hand Steve Harper a majority government.
It comes down to whether Harper wants to play safe -- which he can't do anyway -- or actually fix the country.
- Link Byfield
WEEKLY COMMENTARY
"Just Between Us"
December 5, 2005
How even a Conservative minority could change Canada
For those hoping for at least a minority Conservative government on January 23, this will not be a cheerful thought.
If it happens, it won't be able to do anything.
The only consolation is that even a majority Conservative government couldn't do much either. It would just last longer.
Even a majority couldn't reverse Canada's steady slide to the bottom of the OECD heap -- scale back personal entitlements, reduce regional transfers, free up the medical sector, cut taxes on business and investment, substitute military spending for EI in depressed regions, rein in the courts.
Such a government would be blocked at every turn -- filibustered in the Commons, vetoed by the ultra-Liberal Senate, overturned by the courts, sabotaged by the bureaucracy, and pilloried by the media and special interests.
Liberals have set up the system so that it can only be run by Liberals.
But there is one way Harper could turn it around, even with a minority.
After demonstrating for a few months he can't get Parliament to co-operate, Harper could go to the provincial governments with a constitutional proposal.
He could offer them constitutional amendments that permanently stop Ottawa from spending on social programs, and relinquish major tax-room for the provinces to run these things themselves, the way the constitution intended.
He could offer to vest the new all-province Council of the Federation with permanent authority to manage national social programs, including equalization, CPP and EI.
And he might suggest that authority over these programs be shared equally by "have" provinces and "have-nots."
Finally, he could propose a constitutional change to the Senate so that its members are elected by provincial parties, replacing all the present federal Liberal appointees with provincially-elected senators beyond the reach of any national party leader, now or ever.
He wouldn't even need to insist upon provincial equality in the Senate. The existing regional equality would suffice.
If seven provinces agreed on all this, in one stroke Harper would end forever Ottawa's unlimited power to bribe voters with bad national policy in provincial fields of jurisdiction.
Having lost its unlimited power to tax and spend, Ottawa could no longer engage in the divide-and-conquer tactics by which it has pitted province against province, and citizen against citizen, for the last forty years.
The question is whether enough provincial premiers would agree with this solution. I suspect most would, each for his own reasons.
With Ottawa's powers permanently constrained, Quebec could safely be recognized as a constitutionally "distinct society," a political victory Premier Jean Charest could use against the separatists.
Ontario is desperate to reduce the $23 billion Ottawa is siphoning into eastern provinces and Manitoba. Alberta, B.C. and Saskatchewan would feel the same.
And even some of the "have-nots" would support it, knowing Ottawa cannot hold out politically against a union of the four or five biggest provinces.
With seven provinces on side, Harper could put it to a national referendum before presenting it to Parliament. If most Canadians and most provinces supported it, the federal Liberals -- even in the Senate -- would not dare defeat it in Parliament.
If they did, they would hand Steve Harper a majority government.
It comes down to whether Harper wants to play safe -- which he can't do anyway -- or actually fix the country.
- Link Byfield